Friday, January 24, 2020

Advertisement Analysis :: Marketing Advertising Business

Advertisement Analysis The United States has some of the most intelligent citizens and some of the most advanced technologies and medicine, yet our illiteracy rate has still not diminished. According to a recent government report form The National Institute for Literacy, â€Å"There are many adults with low literacy skills (approximately 44 million) who lack the foundation they need to find and keep decent jobs support their children’s education and participate actively in civic life†. This advertisement was done to inspire people, and perhaps specifically minorities, to read, by using a celebrity influence. This work shows that reading provides new ideas and a greater depth of knowledge, by utilizing deep space and contrast. The artist conveys his or her message by creating a deep and high space. One views this photograph from a very low vantage point, so we are looking up at essentially all of the objects in this work. The lines on the right wall are vertical,and point up to the bright light above. The line from that point travels back due to the other six light in the hallway. The lights hover in space like ideas over our heads. The fashion, in which they take your eye deep into the photograph, is like the path that a story leads us down, or the path of learning that our brain follows. This representation of deep spaceis symbolic of the vastness of information there is to be gained by reading. The artist uses high contrast to emphasize lightness and darkness. The fact that there are definite and distinct light and dark areas attract one to look at it. The highest contrast of value is the lightthat is furthest away. This extremity of white against black is the focal point of the piece, and aids in creating the depth. The contrast between light and dark, are symbolic of the contrast of ignorance and enlightenment. Another way the artist captures the idea of ignorance versus enlightenment is by having Whoopi Goldberg reading in a hallway. One does not generally associate hallways with open space, but because there are a series of doorways that run on the left side of the hall, it is as if it is saying there are multiple regions of information to discover. It represents one thought leading to another. Doorways in the hall eliminate the tension in the room and really help to open it up.

Thursday, January 16, 2020

Disparate Treatment and Disparate Impact

Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act provides two primary theories of recovery for individuals—these are disparate treatment and disparate impact (sometimes labeled adverse impact). This section of the Civil Rights Code forbids job discrimination based on race, color, or national origin. Members of those â€Å"protected classes† cannot lawfully be denied employment opportunities merely because they are Native Americans, black, of Vietnamese ancestry, or white, for that matter (Paetzold, 2005, p. 330). Title VII made overt, blatant employment discrimination illegal. It enforced a legal theory of disparate treatment.Disparate treatment exists if an employer gives less favorable treatment to employees because of their race, color, religion, sex, or national origin. For example, a retail store that refused to promote black warehouse workers to sales positions, preferring white salespeople to serve predominantly white customers, would be guilty of this kind of discriminati on. Disparate treatment violates the plain meaning of Title VII. On the other hand, disparate impact is the discrimination caused by policies that apply to everyone and seem neutral but have the effect of disadvantaging a protected group.Such policies are illegal unless strongly job-related and indispensable to conduct of the business. Basically, the intention of Title VII was to create a level playing field by prohibiting all discrimination, given the entrenched prejudices of employers. Early disparate treatment law cases sometimes included direct evidence of this conscious hostility or intent to discriminate. Because perceivers can never know what another person actually thinks, the determination of intent required inferences arising from the other person's behavior. For example, in the early case of Slack v.Havens, (1975) four Black women claimed that they were illegally discharged because of their race when they refused to perform heavy cleaning duties that were not within their job description. Another coworker, a White woman, was excused from performing these duties. Their supervisor, Pohansky, who had ordered the women to do the heavy work, was known for making statements such as â€Å"Colored people should stay in their places† and â€Å"Colored folks are hired to clean because they clean better† (pp. 1092-1093). The court noted that these statements reflected ill motives for requiring the Black plaintiffs to perform the heavy cleaning.The statements were taken as â€Å"direct evidence† of racial animus, i. e. , conscious intent to discriminate on the basis of race. Under the law, â€Å"direct evidence† suggests that the commentary from Pohansky was the equivalent of Pohansky telling the women that they were discharged as a result of their being Black. In other words, he was aware of his prejudicial attitudes toward Black persons and consciously treated them differently as a result. The bad intent caused the illegal discrimi nation to occur, supporting a district court decision (later affirmed) for the plaintiffs.If Pohansky had not made the statements attributed to him, but had instead told the plaintiffs that they were selected because he truly believed they cleaned better than the White woman (based on his own observation), would the result have been the same? He might still have been acting out of prejudice or stereotypes, known or unknown to him, but he would not have exhibited a conscious intention to discriminate. The legal outcome would not be as straightforward. When the behaviors may reflect an unconscious or ambiguous intent to discriminate, the legal system may not recognize them as constituting illegal discrimination (Krieger, 1995).For disparate impact, Fickling et al. v. New York State Department of Civil Service (1995) provides a good example. Juliette Fickling and other plaintiffs were employed as temporary Social Welfare Eligibility Examiners by Westchester County. In 1989 and 1990, ea ch plaintiff took and failed, more than once, the civil service examination for the position of Eligibility Examiner with Westchester County. On March 15, 1991, each plaintiff was terminated because her failing test score precluded her placement on the â€Å"eligible list† for the position of Eligibility Examiner.Each plaintiff, except one, had received satisfactory to excellent performance evaluations from at least one of her supervisors prior to her termination. Initially, access to the position of Eligibility Examiner is controlled by competitive examination; the applicants must attain a score of 70 on the examination to be placed on an Eligibility Examiner â€Å"eligible list. † Plaintiffs had been employed as temporary Eligibility Examiners because Westchester County did not have an â€Å"eligible list† at the time.Temporary Eligibility Examiners may become permanent, however, only by passing the examination. Plaintiffs sued, claiming their termination due to failing the competitive exam was unlawful because the exam had a racially disparate impact on minorities and failed to serve defendants' employment goal of fair competition. It turned out that the examinations had a disparate impact on African Americans and Hispanics in Westchester County and statewide.In Westchester County, the impact ratios (% minority passing/%white passing) at the cutoff score on the 1989 examination ranged from 52.8% to 66. 2% for African-Americans and between 43. 1% and 56. 6% for Hispanics. For the 1990 examination, the pass rate for African-Americans was between 40. 4% and 50. 8% of the white pass rate, while Hispanics passed at between 25. 5% and 34. 9% of the white rate. Because the examinations had a significant disparate impact and defendants have failed to offer credible evidence that the examinations served the legitimate business goal of fair competition in civil service employment, Fickling et al. won the court battle. References Fickling et al. v. New York State Department of Civil Service (1995). United States District Court, Southern District of New York, 909 F. Supp. 185. Krieger, L. H. (1995). The content of our categories: A cognitive bias approach to discrimination and equal employment opportunity. Stanford Law Review, 47, 1161-1248. Paetzold, R. L. (2005). 14 Using Law and Psychology to Inform Our Knowledge of Discrimination. In Discrimination at Work: The Psychological and Organizational Bases, Dipboye, R. L. & Colella, A. (Eds.) (pp. 329-348). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Slack v. Havens (1975). 522 F.2d 1091 (9th Cir. 1975).

Wednesday, January 8, 2020

Marketing Activities Of The Non Governmental Organisation

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